Alexander Solzhenitsyn's Famous Address at Harvard 30th Anniversary
August 5th 2008 19:20
By Steven Barrett
“Beauty will save the world,” said Fyodor Dostoevsky. How true, yet we so often overlook this very plainspoken aphorism, and often to our own mental and social detriment.
But a rugged-looking Russian dissident, giving what would prove to be the most powerful graduation address at Harvard University in a long time, and perhaps for all time, quoted Dostoevsky and particularly that line.
I'm referring to Alexander Solzhenitsyn, who passed away recently in his Moscow home at age 89 when his heart finally gave way to the tiredness of a most fully lived life. How could I have said "most fully lived life" when he spent so many years wasting in the Soviet Gulag, an empire-wide systematic machine designed for one reason; to crush the humanity and divine spark out of every person who first marched through its gates. The system's success record was enormous because its operators made sure it was lest they become its next victims.
Read any book by Robert Conquest about the Gulag and you'll see its vastness and deepness and heaviness as it came to weigh upon a whole nation and its Warsaw Pact puppet states and other comrades in mass incarceration and murder. Whereas Conquest is the painter of a barren fields awaiting one day for flowers to bloom again, Alexander Solzhenitsyn was the first to bloom, cracking through, no doubt with Divine assistance, as well as human assistance, and from there, it was a matter of time before more flowers began to bloom and the Soviet Union was unable to crush the weakest seeds into dust.
Four years ago a "Breakpoint Commentary" in tribute to Ronald Reagan, Chuck Colson also included a tribute to Solzhenitsyn. (The Question of Good and Evil: The Legacy of Ronald Reagan): I've included the link here, Really Long Link but I'd like to share a few poignant paragraphs to better illustrate my point above:
When I was in the Soviet Union in 1990, I met with groups of dissidents, mostly Christians who had been underground. We could see then that the Soviet Union was crumbling, and I asked everyone I met the same question: "What is causing the demise of the Soviet Union?" Every dissident gave me the same one-word answer: "Reagan."
It's part of Reagan's enduring heritage as well that President George W. Bush has completely embraced this Reaganesque and distinctly Christian view of the world. As the greatest of all dissidents, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, pointed out, we in the comfortable West have lost our sense of good and evil and of world struggle. We've abandoned our Christian worldview and become content with our materialistic abundance and the ease it purchases. But in the gulags they never lost sight of good and evil, and to his everlasting credit, neither did Ronald Reagan.
Reagan certainly deserves his lion's share of the credit for breaking up an undeniably "evil empire," (using such words which caused so much alarm among the diplomatic and press corps, not to mention Congress and some of our more nuance-prone "allies" abroad. (At least Great Britain's Margaret Thatcher knew what Reagan was talking about.)
Reagan's careful choice of words, gestures and phrases were his gardening tools; Solzhenitsyn's brave and sometimes (albeit unwanted and scorned) witness became Reagan's first "proof" that change for the better is possible in Russia, and the flowers that bloomed thereafter, much like those splashed across a Van Gogh pastoral setting, gave life to Dostoevsky's remark about beauty saving a world badly in need of more beauty.
Solzhenitsyn's Commencment Address at Harvard in 1978 shook up the the liberal elite circles of many western nations. We simply weren't ready for it. While the Soviets chafed at the idea of one of their former prisoners giving a Commencment Address at Harvard, they couldn't have been in the least surprised at what he said. After all, the Stalinists created the circumstances and expected a certain Slavic toughness to come out. They knew this man was a very tough individual to deal with since they couldn't wait to get rid of him. Since Solzhenitsyn's books were already published, they figured there'd be no more negative things to deal with.
What the Kremlin couldn't have anticipated was the amount of outrage against his remarks and the Nobel-Prize winning author for telling the west it was literally choking to death on the vomit of its own excesses. (Well, he didn't use those words, but he might as well have, for all the uproar he caused. This must've really upset the Kremlin because the more the elites wrung their hands, whine against Solzhenitsyn's unkind assessments of our moral weaknesses and so forth, they knew they had a problem because it'd only stir up the conservatives who'd come into power when the voters saw how these elites were handing our heads in baskets to the Soviets at the Helsinki, Vladivostok and Geneva conferences held by Presidents Ford and Carter. More to the point, they also knew the conservatives had a more than capable orator who had a long history of knowledge about Communism and how it really works: Ronald Reagan.
I still have problems with Reagan's domestic ideas, but he stood above the entire world, including Margaret Thatcher, when it came to demonstrating effective leadership in dealing with the masters of the Gulag. He instinctively knew that Solzhenitsyn's pen and eyes were far more effective than our entire defense system because they provided living truth about the essential evil that goes into the making of every Soviet ICBM and why it was put there. To "Defend the socialist motherland!"? Try again.
It all came down to power; immeasurably brutal and crushing power. That's what Communism is about. We are just now learning how many people Mao had killed in China: an estimated 70 million.
When I look back on my life, and I'm still relatively young, only 56, and look back at some of the historical giants I was fortunate to be a "contemporary" of, there's Winston Churchill, Thatcher, Adenauer, Martin Luther King, Jr., Hubert Humphrey, Lyndon Johnson, Wm. F. Buckley, Jr., Truman, Reagan, Bush, Sr., Popes Pius XII, John Paul II, the Great and Benedict XVI and of course, Alexander Solzhenitsyn.
I'd like to leave with a strong recommendation to read Rich Lowry's tribute to this great Russian in his (8/5/08) National Review Online column, "Moral Giant: Solzhenitsyn stands as an inspiration to lonely dissidents the world over, and as a testament to the power of art." I'm not at liberty to reproduce his column, but I'll leave you with the link. Really Long Link
Nevertheless, I did come across his Harvard Address and plucked out a few choice remarks to stoke readers' interests:
Thirty years have passed since this address was given at Harvard. Do you think we've learned anything from what he said?
Let's hope so.
“Beauty will save the world,” said Fyodor Dostoevsky. How true, yet we so often overlook this very plainspoken aphorism, and often to our own mental and social detriment.
But a rugged-looking Russian dissident, giving what would prove to be the most powerful graduation address at Harvard University in a long time, and perhaps for all time, quoted Dostoevsky and particularly that line.
I'm referring to Alexander Solzhenitsyn, who passed away recently in his Moscow home at age 89 when his heart finally gave way to the tiredness of a most fully lived life. How could I have said "most fully lived life" when he spent so many years wasting in the Soviet Gulag, an empire-wide systematic machine designed for one reason; to crush the humanity and divine spark out of every person who first marched through its gates. The system's success record was enormous because its operators made sure it was lest they become its next victims.
Four years ago a "Breakpoint Commentary" in tribute to Ronald Reagan, Chuck Colson also included a tribute to Solzhenitsyn. (The Question of Good and Evil: The Legacy of Ronald Reagan): I've included the link here, Really Long Link but I'd like to share a few poignant paragraphs to better illustrate my point above:
When I was in the Soviet Union in 1990, I met with groups of dissidents, mostly Christians who had been underground. We could see then that the Soviet Union was crumbling, and I asked everyone I met the same question: "What is causing the demise of the Soviet Union?" Every dissident gave me the same one-word answer: "Reagan."
It's part of Reagan's enduring heritage as well that President George W. Bush has completely embraced this Reaganesque and distinctly Christian view of the world. As the greatest of all dissidents, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, pointed out, we in the comfortable West have lost our sense of good and evil and of world struggle. We've abandoned our Christian worldview and become content with our materialistic abundance and the ease it purchases. But in the gulags they never lost sight of good and evil, and to his everlasting credit, neither did Ronald Reagan.
Reagan certainly deserves his lion's share of the credit for breaking up an undeniably "evil empire," (using such words which caused so much alarm among the diplomatic and press corps, not to mention Congress and some of our more nuance-prone "allies" abroad. (At least Great Britain's Margaret Thatcher knew what Reagan was talking about.)
Reagan's careful choice of words, gestures and phrases were his gardening tools; Solzhenitsyn's brave and sometimes (albeit unwanted and scorned) witness became Reagan's first "proof" that change for the better is possible in Russia, and the flowers that bloomed thereafter, much like those splashed across a Van Gogh pastoral setting, gave life to Dostoevsky's remark about beauty saving a world badly in need of more beauty.
Solzhenitsyn's Commencment Address at Harvard in 1978 shook up the the liberal elite circles of many western nations. We simply weren't ready for it. While the Soviets chafed at the idea of one of their former prisoners giving a Commencment Address at Harvard, they couldn't have been in the least surprised at what he said. After all, the Stalinists created the circumstances and expected a certain Slavic toughness to come out. They knew this man was a very tough individual to deal with since they couldn't wait to get rid of him. Since Solzhenitsyn's books were already published, they figured there'd be no more negative things to deal with.
What the Kremlin couldn't have anticipated was the amount of outrage against his remarks and the Nobel-Prize winning author for telling the west it was literally choking to death on the vomit of its own excesses. (Well, he didn't use those words, but he might as well have, for all the uproar he caused. This must've really upset the Kremlin because the more the elites wrung their hands, whine against Solzhenitsyn's unkind assessments of our moral weaknesses and so forth, they knew they had a problem because it'd only stir up the conservatives who'd come into power when the voters saw how these elites were handing our heads in baskets to the Soviets at the Helsinki, Vladivostok and Geneva conferences held by Presidents Ford and Carter. More to the point, they also knew the conservatives had a more than capable orator who had a long history of knowledge about Communism and how it really works: Ronald Reagan.
I still have problems with Reagan's domestic ideas, but he stood above the entire world, including Margaret Thatcher, when it came to demonstrating effective leadership in dealing with the masters of the Gulag. He instinctively knew that Solzhenitsyn's pen and eyes were far more effective than our entire defense system because they provided living truth about the essential evil that goes into the making of every Soviet ICBM and why it was put there. To "Defend the socialist motherland!"? Try again.
It all came down to power; immeasurably brutal and crushing power. That's what Communism is about. We are just now learning how many people Mao had killed in China: an estimated 70 million.
When I look back on my life, and I'm still relatively young, only 56, and look back at some of the historical giants I was fortunate to be a "contemporary" of, there's Winston Churchill, Thatcher, Adenauer, Martin Luther King, Jr., Hubert Humphrey, Lyndon Johnson, Wm. F. Buckley, Jr., Truman, Reagan, Bush, Sr., Popes Pius XII, John Paul II, the Great and Benedict XVI and of course, Alexander Solzhenitsyn.
I'd like to leave with a strong recommendation to read Rich Lowry's tribute to this great Russian in his (8/5/08) National Review Online column, "Moral Giant: Solzhenitsyn stands as an inspiration to lonely dissidents the world over, and as a testament to the power of art." I'm not at liberty to reproduce his column, but I'll leave you with the link. Really Long Link
Nevertheless, I did come across his Harvard Address and plucked out a few choice remarks to stoke readers' interests:
A World Split Apart
by Alexander Solzhenitsyn
by Alexander Solzhenitsyn
Harvard's motto is "Veritas." Many of you have already found out and others will find out in the course of their lives that truth eludes us if we do not concentrate with total attention on its pursuit. And even while it eludes us, the illusion still lingers of knowing it and leads to many misunderstandings. Also, truth is seldom pleasant; it is almost invariably bitter. There is some bitterness in my speech today, too. But I want to stress that it comes not from an adversary but from a friend. . .
A Decline in Courage [. . .]
may be the most striking feature which an outside observer notices in the West in our days. The Western world has lost its civil courage, both as a whole and separately, in each country, each government, each political party and of course in the United Nations. Such a decline in courage is particularly noticeable among the ruling groups and the intellectual elite, causing an impression of loss of courage by the entire society.
Of course there are many courageous individuals but they have no determining influence on public life. Political and intellectual bureaucrats show depression, passivity and perplexity in their actions and in their statements and even more so in theoretical reflections to explain how realistic, reasonable as well as intellectually and even morally warranted it is to base state policies on weakness and cowardice.
And decline in courage is ironically emphasized by occasional explosions of anger and inflexibility on the part of the same bureaucrats when dealing with weak governments and weak countries, not supported by anyone, or with currents which cannot offer any resistance. But they get tongue-tied and paralyzed when they deal with powerful governments and threatening forces, with aggressors and international terrorists.
Should one point out that from ancient times decline in courage has been considered the beginning of the end?
Well-Being
When the modern Western States were created, the following principle was proclaimed: governments are meant to serve man, and man lives to be free to pursue happiness. (See, for example, the American Declaration). Now at last during past decades technical and social progress has permitted the realization of such aspirations: the welfare state. Every citizen has been granted the desired freedom and material goods in such quantity and of such quality as to guarantee in theory the achievement of happiness, in the morally inferior sense which has come into being during those same decades.
In the process, however, one psychological detail has been overlooked: the constant desire to have still more things and a still better life and the struggle to obtain them imprints many Western faces with worry and even depression, though it is customary to conceal such feelings. Active and tense competition permeates all human thoughts without opening a way to free spiritual development.
The individual's independence from many types of state pressure has been guaranteed; the majority of people have been granted well-being to an extent their fathers and grandfathers could not even dream about; it has become possible to raise young people according to these ideals, leading them to physical splendor, happiness, possession of material goods, money and leisure, to an almost unlimited freedom of enjoyment.
So who should now renounce all this, why and for what should one risk one's precious life in defense of common values, and particularly in such nebulous cases when the security of one's nation must be defended in a distant country?
Even biology knows that habitual extreme safety and well-being are not advantageous for a living organism. Today, well-being in the life of Western society has begun to reveal its pernicious mask.
Legalistic Life
Western society has given itself the organization best suited to its purposes, based, I would say, on the letter of the law. The limits of human rights and righteousness are determined by a system of laws; such limits are very broad. People in the West have acquired considerable skill in using, interpreting and manipulating law, even though laws tend to be too complicated for an average person to understand without the help of an expert.
Any conflict is solved according to the letter of the law and this is considered to be the supreme solution. If one is right from a legal point of view, nothing more is required, nobody may mention that one could still not be entirely right, and urge self-restraint, a willingness to renounce such legal rights, sacrifice and selfless risk: it would sound simply absurd. One almost never sees voluntary self-restraint.
Everybody operates at the extreme limit of those legal frames. An oil company is legally blameless when it purchases an invention of a new type of energy in order to prevent its use. A food product manufacturer is legally blameless when he poisons his produce to make it last longer: after all, people are free not to buy it.
I have spent all my life under a communist regime and I will tell you that a society without any objective legal scale is a terrible one indeed. But a society with no other scale but the legal one is not quite worthy of man either.
A society which is based on the letter of the law and never reaches any higher is taking very scarce advantage of the high level of human possibilities. The letter of the law is too cold and formal to have a beneficial influence on society. Whenever the tissue of life is woven of legalistic relations, there is an atmosphere of moral mediocrity, paralyzing man's noblest impulses.
And it will be simply impossible to stand through the trials of this threatening century with only the support of a legalistic structure.
I am not examining here the case of a world war disaster and the changes which it would produce in society. As long as we wake up every morning under a peaceful sun, we have to lead an everyday life. There is a disaster, however, which has already been under way for quite some time. I am referring to the calamity of a despiritualized and irreligious humanistic consciousness.
To such consciousness, man is the touchstone in judging and evaluating everything on earth. Imperfect man, who is never free of pride, self-interest, envy, vanity, and dozens of other defects. We are now experiencing the consequences of mistakes which had not been noticed at the beginning of the journey.
On the way from the Renaissance to our days we have enriched our experience, but we have lost the concept of a Supreme Complete Entity which used to restrain our passions and our irresponsibility. We have placed too much hope in political and social reforms, only to find out that we were being deprived of our most precious possession: our spiritual life. In the East, it is destroyed by the dealings and machinations of the ruling party. In the West, commercial interests tend to suffocate it. This is the real crisis. The split in the world is less terrible than the similarity of the disease plaguing its main sections.
If humanism were right in declaring that man is born to be happy, he would not be born to die. Since his body is doomed to die, his task on earth evidently must be of a more spiritual nature. It cannot unrestrained enjoyment of everyday life. It cannot be the search for the best ways to obtain material goods and then cheerfully get the most out of them.
It has to be the fulfillment of a permanent, earnest duty so that one's life journey may become an experience of moral growth, so that one may leave life a better human being than one started it. It is imperative to review the table of widespread human values. Its present incorrectness is astounding.
It is not possible that assessment of the President's performance be reduced to the question of how much money one makes or of unlimited availability of gasoline. Only voluntary, inspired self-restraint can raise man above the world stream of materialism.
A Decline in Courage [. . .]
may be the most striking feature which an outside observer notices in the West in our days. The Western world has lost its civil courage, both as a whole and separately, in each country, each government, each political party and of course in the United Nations. Such a decline in courage is particularly noticeable among the ruling groups and the intellectual elite, causing an impression of loss of courage by the entire society.
Of course there are many courageous individuals but they have no determining influence on public life. Political and intellectual bureaucrats show depression, passivity and perplexity in their actions and in their statements and even more so in theoretical reflections to explain how realistic, reasonable as well as intellectually and even morally warranted it is to base state policies on weakness and cowardice.
And decline in courage is ironically emphasized by occasional explosions of anger and inflexibility on the part of the same bureaucrats when dealing with weak governments and weak countries, not supported by anyone, or with currents which cannot offer any resistance. But they get tongue-tied and paralyzed when they deal with powerful governments and threatening forces, with aggressors and international terrorists.
Should one point out that from ancient times decline in courage has been considered the beginning of the end?
Well-Being
When the modern Western States were created, the following principle was proclaimed: governments are meant to serve man, and man lives to be free to pursue happiness. (See, for example, the American Declaration). Now at last during past decades technical and social progress has permitted the realization of such aspirations: the welfare state. Every citizen has been granted the desired freedom and material goods in such quantity and of such quality as to guarantee in theory the achievement of happiness, in the morally inferior sense which has come into being during those same decades.
In the process, however, one psychological detail has been overlooked: the constant desire to have still more things and a still better life and the struggle to obtain them imprints many Western faces with worry and even depression, though it is customary to conceal such feelings. Active and tense competition permeates all human thoughts without opening a way to free spiritual development.
The individual's independence from many types of state pressure has been guaranteed; the majority of people have been granted well-being to an extent their fathers and grandfathers could not even dream about; it has become possible to raise young people according to these ideals, leading them to physical splendor, happiness, possession of material goods, money and leisure, to an almost unlimited freedom of enjoyment.
So who should now renounce all this, why and for what should one risk one's precious life in defense of common values, and particularly in such nebulous cases when the security of one's nation must be defended in a distant country?
Even biology knows that habitual extreme safety and well-being are not advantageous for a living organism. Today, well-being in the life of Western society has begun to reveal its pernicious mask.
Legalistic Life
Western society has given itself the organization best suited to its purposes, based, I would say, on the letter of the law. The limits of human rights and righteousness are determined by a system of laws; such limits are very broad. People in the West have acquired considerable skill in using, interpreting and manipulating law, even though laws tend to be too complicated for an average person to understand without the help of an expert.
Any conflict is solved according to the letter of the law and this is considered to be the supreme solution. If one is right from a legal point of view, nothing more is required, nobody may mention that one could still not be entirely right, and urge self-restraint, a willingness to renounce such legal rights, sacrifice and selfless risk: it would sound simply absurd. One almost never sees voluntary self-restraint.
Everybody operates at the extreme limit of those legal frames. An oil company is legally blameless when it purchases an invention of a new type of energy in order to prevent its use. A food product manufacturer is legally blameless when he poisons his produce to make it last longer: after all, people are free not to buy it.
I have spent all my life under a communist regime and I will tell you that a society without any objective legal scale is a terrible one indeed. But a society with no other scale but the legal one is not quite worthy of man either.
A society which is based on the letter of the law and never reaches any higher is taking very scarce advantage of the high level of human possibilities. The letter of the law is too cold and formal to have a beneficial influence on society. Whenever the tissue of life is woven of legalistic relations, there is an atmosphere of moral mediocrity, paralyzing man's noblest impulses.
And it will be simply impossible to stand through the trials of this threatening century with only the support of a legalistic structure.
I am not examining here the case of a world war disaster and the changes which it would produce in society. As long as we wake up every morning under a peaceful sun, we have to lead an everyday life. There is a disaster, however, which has already been under way for quite some time. I am referring to the calamity of a despiritualized and irreligious humanistic consciousness.
To such consciousness, man is the touchstone in judging and evaluating everything on earth. Imperfect man, who is never free of pride, self-interest, envy, vanity, and dozens of other defects. We are now experiencing the consequences of mistakes which had not been noticed at the beginning of the journey.
On the way from the Renaissance to our days we have enriched our experience, but we have lost the concept of a Supreme Complete Entity which used to restrain our passions and our irresponsibility. We have placed too much hope in political and social reforms, only to find out that we were being deprived of our most precious possession: our spiritual life. In the East, it is destroyed by the dealings and machinations of the ruling party. In the West, commercial interests tend to suffocate it. This is the real crisis. The split in the world is less terrible than the similarity of the disease plaguing its main sections.
If humanism were right in declaring that man is born to be happy, he would not be born to die. Since his body is doomed to die, his task on earth evidently must be of a more spiritual nature. It cannot unrestrained enjoyment of everyday life. It cannot be the search for the best ways to obtain material goods and then cheerfully get the most out of them.
It has to be the fulfillment of a permanent, earnest duty so that one's life journey may become an experience of moral growth, so that one may leave life a better human being than one started it. It is imperative to review the table of widespread human values. Its present incorrectness is astounding.
It is not possible that assessment of the President's performance be reduced to the question of how much money one makes or of unlimited availability of gasoline. Only voluntary, inspired self-restraint can raise man above the world stream of materialism.
Thirty years have passed since this address was given at Harvard. Do you think we've learned anything from what he said?
Let's hope so.
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Comment by S.L.
The Political Brief
Comment by Anonymous
Boy did he get a bunch of raspberries from the elitist press and hoity-toities of the West. No wonder they got their clocks cleaned during that fall's midterm elections and the one two years later.
I still hear people in my area whining like they were the greatest fiscal conservatives over Reagan's breaking the piggy bank to bust the Soviets dollar for dollar: But it accomplished everything all of us wanted without a shot fired or a missile launched. THe defeat would've occured the moment the command was given. But those overeducated people couldn't see that the moment either of our rockets left their silos they were obsolete because our candy stripes didn't do their respective jobs.
I guess they don't teach THAT at Harvard. Just to give you an idea of how out of touch Harvard was back then, here's a real story. I was eating an open roast beef sandwich and drinking a beer at Charlies Tavern in the Harvard Sq. area when some smart alecky Harvard kid was showing off his Boston tel. directory sized Harvard academic catalogue. I almost fell on the floor laughing. THIS was the worlds "greatest college" and they offered almost everything short of basketweaving for elective courses and no core curriculum was mandated. I asked the kid, then only a few years younger, if Harvard HAD a core curriculum.
I must've seemed like a Martian to him. A what? Yeah, should I have said that a little s l o w e r ? Well, I was sort of in his "hood," though it's a sprawling testimony to small merchant capitalism. Honest to God, S.L., here I was, a Catholic college grad from a still young college down in the supposedly basketweaving college land of them all, Miami -Dade, Florida and I had to endure such indignity as to get a full education for my parents money's worth, and at a much lower price. (Mmmm, makes one wonder how dumb you have to be to get in as well as to flunk out of Harvard. It was no joke that it was harder to flunk out of Harvard during the late sixties and throughout the seventies than at any other school in the land.
And they looked down their noses at a graduate of Stalin U? Not so smart. And still pretty damned dumb.
Bill Buckley was right on the money when he said he's rather be governed by the first 1,000 names in the combined Cambridge/Somerville/Medford telephone directory than anyone on the Harvard faculty.
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For the Sake of Argument
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